Strategic Response to ISIS advance towards Baghdad
Strategic Response to ISIS advance towards Baghdad
Machiavelli once wrote, “Since one
must start with the present state of things, one can only work with
the material at hand.” The threats confronting the world today
cannot be isolated to single regions, cannot be ignored, they demand
prompt and decisive action. Using drones and CIA operations is not
always adequate to combat the enemies we face and accomplish the need
of defeating them definitively. Massive nation building operations
are no longer affordable without some degree of empirical activities
to underwrite the costs, bringing returns or at least helping offset
the costs of investment to the treasury and to help fund benefits for
Citizens. In a time when political winds oppose increased boot
presence despite the military productivity of such, the air force
becomes the dominate tool of preservation with clandestine actions
from special forces in the shadows. Robert Kaplan was writing when
he proclaimed, “Defeating warriors will depend on our speed of
reaction, not international law.” The US military is more capable
then any other in the world and by keeping a military presence in the
territories we have assisted in liberating, we can prevent those hard
fought gains from being overturned by terrorists. The movements of
ISIS in Iraq are a case and point, and surely the same would come in
Afghanistan by way of the Taliban if a similar head for the exit
strategy is implemented. Nigeria, Libya, Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria,
Pakistan and Syria all have situations that can benefit immensely
from small scale US military action. While official military
doctrine has shifted the United States into an auxiliary role in
counter-insurgency, the efficacy of US professionalism will continue
to demand its swift action.
The time has come for the
Department of Defense to establish a highly effective and responsive
command, provided a free hand to halt radical Islamist uprisings
before they can gain the momentum of seizing cities. Barack Obama's
first instincts on Syria were exactly right, and a tomahawk campaign
against Bashar Assad could have easily wiped out ISIS's flank of the
then moderate rebels. Unattended to, however, the situation in Syria
worsened, and as the conditions became more extreme, extremist
ideologies began to prevail and now the country Winston Churchill
once claimed to have created with a stroke of his pen to Syria's
border, is at risk of being replaced by Sunni Islamic State that is
expanding towards Baghdad and promising revenge. Barack Obama, is
obviously tired of war fighting, and this is clearly going to be
swung in a politically disadvantageous light, but monitoring the
situation, its hard to argue that leaving Iraq was the right call,
that hesitating to bomb back Assad's forces and strike ferociously at
Al-Qaeda and ISIS's segments within the rebels was a wise decision.
When our enemy has determined themselves for a war with the most
radical and unacceptable ends, then there is no choice but for us to
use our weaponry and military to fight back. What is clear, is that
the Iraqi security forces are on the run, and that the Sunni's have
now pulled together against the Baghdad government. Inaction, could
lead to Iranian intervention, early action without leveraged
concessions from the Iraqi and Iranian governments is a missed
opportunity.
Having read former CIA agent,
Robert Baer's “The Devil We Know,” he argues that Iranian
domination of the region is inevitable and that the United States
should come to terms with Iran to help stabilize the Middle East.
I'm wondering what it is he would have to say about the total failure
of the Shi'ite lead government in Iraq and the obvious momentum on
the part of the Sunnis. The Saudi's have long been partners with the
US and nearly always done what the US has asked of them, with an
understanding that they have a very different culture than ours that
defies our more liberal ideals. The Middle East is a place where the
United States has few friends, however, and we've already taken on
way too much of the regions heavy lifting, so too see the Sunnis
bring a real fight, despite the destabilizing effect, is not
necessarily the worst thing, if you consider the July 21st
deadline to extend Iran's commitment to a peaceful nuclear energy
program. Robert Baer paints a picture of the Iranians and their
Jerusalem force as a savvy clandestine group capable of digging in
and defending its positions and gradually extending control until
they ultimately control the oil fields of the Arabian Peninsula. If
this is so, then to see the Sunnis finally do some of their own
fighting, cannot be the worst of situations. It may not be so bad
for portions of territory under the Shi'ite domination in Syria and
Iraq to be re-acquired by Sunnis. The Middle East is a land of
brutal violence, the Shi'ites and Sunnis are equally capable of
committing atrocities, and for the matter of this fight, the fact
that it is not at US hands is probably the best thing.
We've assumed that economic
development, democracy and westernized laws will improve the
standards of living in the Middle East, decreasing the allure of
jihad and terrorism. This assumption, however, may be very wrong.
Their willingness to live backwards and revert to the barbarism of
the 7th century can actually be the surest means of making
sure they do not overrun Europe and instead remain a group of
impoverished rag tag bandits on pick-up trucks. Of course tighter
border controls, restrictions on Middle East visas and a willingness
to use decisive force and then deal with domestic outcry, will be an
unfortunate cyclical norm. Even so, I'd rather face a few ISIS then
a first world military backed by a nation state. If you want to know
my opinion, so long as they don't attack the US directly, or anything
it has a direct interest in, then to hell with them and if they do,
whether embassy or ally, then a barrage of high-tech weapons just
short of thermal nuclear warheads is what they should expect. It
takes some of the darker side of game theory to understand these
matters, but at some point you recognize that the more consistently
we unmistakably show resolve to retaliate with deadly and decisive
force against militant aggression directed at the US, the quicker we
will train the ISIS and other brigades to fight our mutual enemies
and stay clear of the United States.
So why intervene, why send our
brave pilots to bomb ISIS at this point? Slowing their movements,
granted, buys us time, but if you want to know my strategic opinion,
what is in America's best interest right now is a combination of
pressure and fear placed on the Shi'ite leadership. Right now, I
would only use force as they approach oil instillations or other work
sights with US corporations operating, as America, my
responsibilities stop with US citizenry and interests, in those
instances where they are threatened, use overwhelming force
decisively. Otherwise, let ISIS stack body bags and throw them over
the walls of the Shi'ites citadel's in Damascus, Tehran and Baghdad.
I'm certainly not arguing we should help them do this, but with their
recent postings making them seem so eager to do so, it may be better
for us to let dog eat dog. Let ISIS carry out the necessary evils to
be sure that the Shi'ite Iranian and Iraqi leadership clearly and
unequivocally surrender their nuclear aspirations, sign immunity
agreements for US troops to be stationed in Iraq, and see that the
leadership takes to competent technical expertise in coordination
with the IMF and World Bank to stage development projects effectively
and provide meaningful government services to the populations
suffering and turning to violence out of desperation. When the
Shi'ite leaders in Syria and Iraq do these things and learn to
respect the needs of all portions of the societies they have been
charged with governing, America can consider using its airforce and
military to take down ISIS and at that point, it most certainly
should.
The populations of the Middle
East, at large, need to mature beyond neocolonial sentiments, and
recognize that while what American can do to help them is limited, it
can help these populations to responsibly take control of their
nation's fates and put them back on a course towards modernity. I
caution my reader and the country I represent, however, that in a top
secret study conducted with the most advanced gaming simulations on
global conflict, that since the early 90s the US have known that it
was not Russian Communism we could not defeat, it was Islamist
radicalism, and some of these groups we've labeled terrorists for
years, may end up being in the 5% of insurrections that historically
used terrorist tactics that eventually go on to achieve their goals,
in this case, restoring the caliphate and creating a state governed
according to Islamic Law. At this point, America may be wise to
avoid immediately making a direct enemy with ISIS.
My recommendation is this,
1. Make it clear that America has
never provided direct or deliberately provided indirect aid to
ISIS, and that limited support for rebel groups was non-lethal and
directed toward moderate groups other than Al-Nursa or ISIS in an
effort to prevent the rebellion from being dominated by extremists.
2. Get an immunity and base
agreement from the government in Baghdad.
3. Get a long-term nuclear
non-proliferation deal from Iran.
4. Then halt the expansion of ISIS
by force and negotiate for increased autonomy in the Sunni regions
of Iraq and Syria in exchange for the building of less extreme
Sunni coalition that will cooperate with both Kurds and Shi'ites in
Baghdad to address nation wide needs and demands. The expressed
willingness of Iran to cooperate in such operations with the United
States of America is a welcomed and promising sign.
The appropriate historical figure to
consider is the Roman Emperor, Tiberius. As Robert Kaplan writes in
“Warrior Politics,” “he built few cities, annexed few
territories, and did not cater to popular whims; rather, he
strengthened the territories Rome already possessed by adding
military bases, and combined diplomacy with the threat of force to
preserve a peace that was favorable to Rome. In 2014, we can
substitute Rome for Washington and Tiberius for Barack Obama. There are times to blink and act quickly, but there also times where it is better to wait. President, my opinion on this matter is to wait until Al-Malaki in Iraq and Rouhani in Iran give you those concessions the United States and our allies expect.
Livy famously wrote, “Never mind, if
they call your caution timidity, your wisdom sloth, your generalship
weakness; it is better that a wise enemy should fear you than that
foolish friends should praise.”
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